A Revolution for Preserving the Revolution

Khaled Kanawat

11 May 2014

Souriatna Magazine*, Issue 138

* A weekly newspaper published by the free youths of Syrian


Syrians wonder how the inner core of the Assad’s regime has to this day maintained its cohesion and never crumbled or cracked, except in the one case when the U.S. punitive strike was imminent when we watched fleets and aircraft carriers on satellite channels. This core, which floats on a sea of Syrian blood, will only fall at once and in its entirety. Thanks to its cohesion, it controls all of the state apparatuses and institutions–most notably the military establishment—through a tight network of ideological and sectarian loyalties and self-interests. Members of this network support the regime and oppose any change in status quo in fear that it can affect their interests and bring them to trial. استمر في القراءة

Swingers before and after the revolution

Zaiton Magazine *

Issue 63

24 May 2014

* A weekly cultural intelectual Magazine issued by the free youth of Idlib (Facebook page, ISSUU site).


Abdul Kareem Anees

Any close observer cannot ignore the radical changes to those figures that have lived through the successive events of the revolution; whether it was the denial of it in the beginning or the belief in it during one of its various stages.

These figures can be simple personalities, neither popular nor known among observers, but the variables, twists, and turns in the track record of these ordinary figures should be read, and we should invest in understanding the changes in their personalities to enable observers to best evaluate and study the origins of the revolution and its dependency on individuals, in the midst of its historic turning points. استمر في القراءة

On the Image of the Syrian Revolution Abroad


Yassin Swehat

19 July 2013

Nick Griffin might be the most controversial politician in Britain, and one of the most in all of Europe. This lawyer—who is in his fifties—is the leader of the British National Party and the proud godfather of its extreme right-wing ideology. Wherever Nick goes—to the European Parliament, any British national occasion, the BBC, or Cambridge University (where he studied)—he is faced with a protest against his presence or an attempt to avoid meeting him. His extreme racist beliefs, which are quite violent towards immigrants, especially those who are not “white Caucasians,” his aggressive verbal attacks against Islam and Muslims, his statements in denial of the Holocaust as well as his nostalgia to the apartheid era in South Africa and his aggressive remarks against Nelson Mandela; all make him an embracing, unwelcomed guest on any stage that seeks to maintain the minimal standards of political decency. However the latest UK election results revealed a worrying rise in his party’s popularity, as his reasoning of blaming migrants for the declining economy has found widespread acceptance amongst the British classes most affected by the current economic situation. استمر في القراءة

Syria’s Youth

Michel Kilo

Originally published on 23rd May 2012

Nowadays, Syria’s youth are facing unparalleled circumstances of a tragic and dangerous nature. Situations that were rarely encountered by the youth of any other country, be it Arab or foreign. It is enough to be a Syrian youth today to be a suspect, and in turn be chased or wanted, targeted for arrest and torture till death, or be shot at. What is interesting though, is that the party that is opposing these youth, just because they are the youth, subjecting them to ruthless suppression, is a regime that has long been boasting the youth of it’s President, that he would turn a new page in the history of the nation of Syria and its people, and that he would renew both society and state, all with his youthful mentality.

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Faces from the Syrian Revolution: Mhyd Mohammad al Zhwry

Mhyd Mohammad al Zhwry

An Artist and Calligrapher from Qosair

Mhyd is a Syrian fine artist from Qosair in the Homs countryside who loved the plastic arts and oil painting. With the advent of the Syrian revolution he turned to painting the banners for the demonstrations.

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The Syrian Revolution: A One Year Summary

This is a translation of a factsheet written in Arabic by our friends from Cyprus to commemorate the one year anniversary of the start of the Syrian revolution. Thanks for their idea and information.

Tuesday, 15 March 2011: In an unprecedented move in defiance of President Bashar al Assad, a small demonstration took place in the capital Damascus following calls by activists on Facebook to demand an end to oppression, corruption and suppression of freedoms. Protests emerged against President Bashar Assad and his despotic family, which has been controlling power since 1971 as well as against the despotic Baath Party and the emergency laws it ruled with since 1963.

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Syria: Autopsy of a Regime

Nadia Aissaoui and Ziad Majed

21 March 2012

More than a year has passed since the start of the Syrian revolution demanding freedom, dignity and the departure of the Assad family. Over ten thousand dead, a hundred thousand injured and more than 40 thousand refugees fled to Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordon as well as about a hundred and fifty thousand citizens who were arrested, twenty thousand of them are still in detention. All this in addition to damages to property and infrastructure and the systematic destruction of many regions.

The original article in French can be read here. An Arabic text is also available here.

Tens of reports have been published by various human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the United Nations Council for Human Rights, and Médecins Sans Frontières documenting verified cases and eye witness accounts. All these, as well as films and interviews conducted with doctors, activists, and defected soldiers ascertain that atrocities and violations are being carried out in Syria which can be classified as crimes against humanity.

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Les chrétiens de la Syrie et le régime en pouvoir

Article in English

المقالة باللغة العربية

La Syrie et le régime en pouvoir

      La Syrie est une des pays du Proche Orient dont la population s’élève à des 20 millions d’habitants, gouvernés par le parti Baath depuis 1963, et par la famille El Assad depuis 1970. Il s’agit d’un régime totalitaire, dictatorial, qui consacre le centralisation du pouvoir entre les moins des membres d’une éthnie religieuse représentant environ 10%, des habitants du pays, qui sont les Alaouites. Ceci constitue un exemple claire de l’oligarchie.

Pour bien éxercer un contrôle stricte des affaires du pays, plusieurs appareils de sécurité ont été créés, jouissant de autorisations indéterminés, ces appareils tiennent concurrence entre eux pour jouir de la satisfaction du président.

Parmi ces appareils citons : la Sécurité de L’Etat, la Sécurité Politique, Le Service Général des Renseignements , les Renseignements Militaires, Les Renseignements des Forces aériennes ….

Le régime au pouvoir à imposé la loi d’urgence le long de 40 années ; cette loi facilite, et réglemente les violations des droits de l’homme et du citoyen, et elle est toujours en vigueur jusqu’à présent  bien qu’elle a été théoriquement annulée depuis des mois.

Il s’agit d’un régime militaire ne savant que la violence et les chantages comme moyen pour traiter avec autrui, peuple ou pays. Les dérnières années et décennies sont témoins d’innombrables violations quantitatives et qualitatives des droits élémentaires de l’homme: poursuite, violation de la vie privée, arrestations, torture systématiques, massacres à Palmyre, à Alep et à Hama.

La déclenchement de la révolution syrienne.

     Il y a presque un an, une importante masse du peuple syrien s’est révoltée en voyant l’exemple en Tunisie, en Egypte puis en Libye, brisant le barrière de la peur dans un pays qui fut surnomme « Le royaume du mutisme ». Sa révolte a trouvé une violente suppression qui a dépassé les limites. Une suppression qui est arrivée à bombarder les quartiers peuples par les chars, les mortiers et les missiles.

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The Revolution and the Christians in Syria

لقراءة هذه المقالة بالعربية انقر هنا

En Français

Early March 2012

Syria and the Regime

          Syria is a Middle-Eastern country, with a population of more than 20 million, ruled by Al Baath party since 1963 and by Al Assad family since 1970 [1]. The regime is a totalitarian dictatorship whose power is concentrated in power centres controlled mainly by Alawites, a religious sect constituting about 10% of the population; a clear example of oligarchy. To ensure a strict control over the country, security bodies with sweeping powers were established and supported. These bodies are in continuous state of competition among each other to gain the content of the President. Some of these bodies are: State Security, Political Security, General Intelligence, Military Intelligence, Air Forces Intelligence, etc. For more than four decades, the regime has also enforced ‘emergency law’ – a law that facilitates and legalises the violation of Human Rights. In practice, it is still applied though it has been, theoretically, cancelled several months ago.

          It is a security-oriented military regime that knows nothing but violence and bargaining as means of communicating with others: people and countries. Past years and decades witnessed so many extreme violations of basic human rights, in quantity and in quality: surveillance, privacy violation, detentions, systematic torture, Tadmur massacre, Aleppo massacre, Hamah massacre [2], etc.

The Outbreak of the Syrian Revolution

          About a year ago the Syrian people started their uprising encouraged by what they witnessed in Tunisia, Egypt and later Libya, breaking the ‘barrier of fear’ in a country which was called the ‘Kingdom of Silence’. The revolution was encountered by extreme repression that crossed many lines which mounted, nowadays, to shelling populated areas with mortars, tank artilleries, and ground missiles. The casualties, currently, have reached 8,000 in addition to tens of thousands of wounded and a lot more detainees. The worst consequence of this extreme violence and crackdown is the shift of a considerable part of the uprising to a poorly organised armed rebellion, after they have adapted and were committed, for several months, to a peaceful struggle as well as the spread of a negative Islamic tendency, especially among the armed rebels as a result of all their disappointments with ongoing extreme suppression and the inability of the political efforts of the international community and the outside opposition to put an end to their suffering.

The Attitude of Christians

          Statistics estimated the Syrian Christians to be between 5-10% of the population, divided into several churches: Eastern Orthodox, the majority, Eastern Catholic and limited numbers of Latin and Anglican churches. The majority of the Christians back the current regime in spite of what has taken place and is currently taking place. Only a minority of Christians stand on the other side and support the rebels in their demands and take part in their struggle especially the peaceful one.

          Those who support the regime have different motives. Some have Islam-phobia – Islam here is exclusively the Sunni Islam [3]. Others, mainly the youth, have been brought up and their awareness of their country was formed while Bashar Al Assad was in power. They were impressed by the image in which this president was presented: young, modern, open-minded, studied in the west, has a beautiful and active wife, etc. The attitude of this group of Christians was a result of their ignorance of the true history of Syria. The history that has been taught to them in schools and universities through official curricula, shows that the history of Syria has almost started with Al Baath party and Al Assad family. Moreover, there are Christian supporters, mainly businessmen who back the regime for financial benefits.

          Finally, part of the group known as ‘greyish’ or ‘sitting-on-the-fence’ that includes a considerable number of intellectual Christians who declare their neutrality in the current struggle as they cannot justify the brutality of regime’s actions, but at the same time, they secretly support it for different reasons, some of which are stated above.

          On the other hand, there is a minority of Christians who stand with the uprising against the regime. Most of them have never been known as being politically organised or committed. They are generally educated people and most of them are seculars. Moreover, a good number of them do not hide being atheists or agnostics, though they are considered ‘socially’ Christians.

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