On the displacement of Mosul’s Christians

Ziad Majed

Wednesday, July 30, 2014

 There are several levels of approaching ISIS’s crime of displacing the Christian Iraqi citizens from their land in Mosul (and the Nineveh plains) last week.

The first of levels is the crime per se. It’s a level of uprooting and expelling a group of human beings from their country in addition to what was narrated of marking their houses with letter “ن” [the first letter of the Arabic word for “Christians”], in an act of religious discrimination towards and against them. This of course encompasses assault and a terrible collective persecution against individuals just because they belong to a particular religious group. استمر في القراءة

What do they know about Syria

13 January 2013Michel_Kilo

Michel Kilo

Whenever I read an article concerning Syria in a foreign newspaper, a pressing question poses itself on me: What does the author know about my country and its problems?! Has he presented a picture of its reality useful to the readers of his article or research that leads them to understand the truth as a whole or even partially?

Generally, the prevalent Western mindset paints an image of Syria in the media as being a set of rival sects and minorities competing against one another and living in a state of explosive tension kept in check only by the powerful central authority, that preserves inter-communal peace and works towards creating an integrated community, which is a great progress from the current situation; one of a community fractured, disjointed and capable of fragmenting at any given moment, should the authority become absent or weakened. استمر في القراءة

تقرير مترجم – عن نشاط الأقليات وتجمع نبض قي مدينة يبرود

 

قامت مجموعة صغيرة من الناشطين بتنظيم رحلة إلى مدينة يبرود التي تستغرق ساعة من العاصمة, والتي اشترك بها عدد من العلويين والإسماعيليين، وهم أيضاً اقليات في هذا البلد متعدد الإثنيات.
نُظمت هذه الرحلة من قبل واحدة من مجموعات المجتمع المدني، تسمي نفسها “تجمع نبض” .
نبض تعني نبض القلب. بحسب صفحة هذه المجموعة على الفيسبوك فإنهم يدعون للتعددية، والديمقراطية والمواطنة.
الناشطون هنا يركزون على منع الإنقسام الطائفي الذي يتهمون النظام بإثارته وهذا ما تدعو إليه هذه المظاهرة في يبرود إيضاً.

The Kurdish Question in Syria: A General Approach

Badrakhan Ali

28 May 2012

[The following article was translated into English by Christine Cuk.]

Kurdish inhabited area of Syria. Image from Wikimedia Commons

The Kurdish issue in Syria has a history and trajectory that are different from sectarian problems in the region. It is not a sectarian problem, as the Kurds are not a sect of Arabs or a special Islamic group. They belong to a people that are forty million strong and are distributed over a number of countries, and they are the largest national group in both the region and the world that is deprived of a political counterpart to its existence: an independent state. The aspects of the region’s Kurdish question differ from the revival of sectarian problems in Arab-Islamic society.

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Syria: Autopsy of a Regime

Nadia Aissaoui and Ziad Majed

21 March 2012

More than a year has passed since the start of the Syrian revolution demanding freedom, dignity and the departure of the Assad family. Over ten thousand dead, a hundred thousand injured and more than 40 thousand refugees fled to Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordon as well as about a hundred and fifty thousand citizens who were arrested, twenty thousand of them are still in detention. All this in addition to damages to property and infrastructure and the systematic destruction of many regions.

The original article in French can be read here. An Arabic text is also available here.

Tens of reports have been published by various human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the United Nations Council for Human Rights, and Médecins Sans Frontières documenting verified cases and eye witness accounts. All these, as well as films and interviews conducted with doctors, activists, and defected soldiers ascertain that atrocities and violations are being carried out in Syria which can be classified as crimes against humanity.

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The Revolution and the Christians in Syria

لقراءة هذه المقالة بالعربية انقر هنا

En Français

Early March 2012

Syria and the Regime

          Syria is a Middle-Eastern country, with a population of more than 20 million, ruled by Al Baath party since 1963 and by Al Assad family since 1970 [1]. The regime is a totalitarian dictatorship whose power is concentrated in power centres controlled mainly by Alawites, a religious sect constituting about 10% of the population; a clear example of oligarchy. To ensure a strict control over the country, security bodies with sweeping powers were established and supported. These bodies are in continuous state of competition among each other to gain the content of the President. Some of these bodies are: State Security, Political Security, General Intelligence, Military Intelligence, Air Forces Intelligence, etc. For more than four decades, the regime has also enforced ‘emergency law’ – a law that facilitates and legalises the violation of Human Rights. In practice, it is still applied though it has been, theoretically, cancelled several months ago.

          It is a security-oriented military regime that knows nothing but violence and bargaining as means of communicating with others: people and countries. Past years and decades witnessed so many extreme violations of basic human rights, in quantity and in quality: surveillance, privacy violation, detentions, systematic torture, Tadmur massacre, Aleppo massacre, Hamah massacre [2], etc.

The Outbreak of the Syrian Revolution

          About a year ago the Syrian people started their uprising encouraged by what they witnessed in Tunisia, Egypt and later Libya, breaking the ‘barrier of fear’ in a country which was called the ‘Kingdom of Silence’. The revolution was encountered by extreme repression that crossed many lines which mounted, nowadays, to shelling populated areas with mortars, tank artilleries, and ground missiles. The casualties, currently, have reached 8,000 in addition to tens of thousands of wounded and a lot more detainees. The worst consequence of this extreme violence and crackdown is the shift of a considerable part of the uprising to a poorly organised armed rebellion, after they have adapted and were committed, for several months, to a peaceful struggle as well as the spread of a negative Islamic tendency, especially among the armed rebels as a result of all their disappointments with ongoing extreme suppression and the inability of the political efforts of the international community and the outside opposition to put an end to their suffering.

The Attitude of Christians

          Statistics estimated the Syrian Christians to be between 5-10% of the population, divided into several churches: Eastern Orthodox, the majority, Eastern Catholic and limited numbers of Latin and Anglican churches. The majority of the Christians back the current regime in spite of what has taken place and is currently taking place. Only a minority of Christians stand on the other side and support the rebels in their demands and take part in their struggle especially the peaceful one.

          Those who support the regime have different motives. Some have Islam-phobia – Islam here is exclusively the Sunni Islam [3]. Others, mainly the youth, have been brought up and their awareness of their country was formed while Bashar Al Assad was in power. They were impressed by the image in which this president was presented: young, modern, open-minded, studied in the west, has a beautiful and active wife, etc. The attitude of this group of Christians was a result of their ignorance of the true history of Syria. The history that has been taught to them in schools and universities through official curricula, shows that the history of Syria has almost started with Al Baath party and Al Assad family. Moreover, there are Christian supporters, mainly businessmen who back the regime for financial benefits.

          Finally, part of the group known as ‘greyish’ or ‘sitting-on-the-fence’ that includes a considerable number of intellectual Christians who declare their neutrality in the current struggle as they cannot justify the brutality of regime’s actions, but at the same time, they secretly support it for different reasons, some of which are stated above.

          On the other hand, there is a minority of Christians who stand with the uprising against the regime. Most of them have never been known as being politically organised or committed. They are generally educated people and most of them are seculars. Moreover, a good number of them do not hide being atheists or agnostics, though they are considered ‘socially’ Christians.

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