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Components of the Syrian Revolution and its Politics

Posted on by المترجمون السوريون الأحرار

Yasin Hajj Saleh

Sunday 8 January 2011

The most prominent aspect of the Syrian revolution is the demonstration: groups between tens and hundreds of thousands of people go out to public spaces, trying to occupy certain areas for a while, while chanting slogans and holding banners condemning the Regime and calling for its fall. The demonstration represents the field component of the revolution that the world has known. This component has formed, and is still forming the source of Syrians’ dignity, and an evidence of their courage and merit of Freedom. It includes all positive and negative acts of protest, including strikes.

The Syrian Revolution has other components. First, there is the social component that is supporting field activity, i.e. the various social environments that embrace the revolution and provide protection and support to revolutionaries.

This component is quite varied. It sometimes includes entire areas and neighborhoods in some cases, but in other cases, it is consisted of support networks that participate in field activity, even though not as consistently as witnessed in Daraa, Damascus outskirts, Homs, Idlib, Deir Al Zour and some areas in Aleppo.

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(18+) The innocence of a wounded young girl in Syria

Posted on by المترجمون السوريون الأحرار

This is an appeal to all human beings : SAVE US ! States, governments, regimes, even the United Nations do not wish to rescue us. We, the Syrian people, are being decimated. We call upon all beings with a conscience, living in countries where their voices carry weight : reach out to us…demonstrate…protest… bring pressure to bear on your governments ! HELP SAVE US !

أيها البشر أيتها الانسانية هذا نداء استغاثة… الدول… الحكومات… الأنظمة… وحتى الأمم المتحدة لا تريد إنقاذنا… نحن نذبح… هذا نداء لأي إنسان في أي مكان من هذا العالم… أنتم من تعيشون في دولٍ يسمع صوتكم فيها… مدوا يدكم… تظاهروا اضغطوا على حكوماتكم لانقاذنا… نحن لا أحد يسمعنا… نحن نتحدث إليك… أنت الانسان… من تقراء الرسالة الآن… أغيثونا

“And Thus We Turned to Military Struggle” The Commander of Al-Ashtar Battalion in Al-Rastan

Posted on by المترجمون السوريون الأحرار

“And Thus We Turned to Military Struggle” The Commander of Al-Ashtar Battalion in Al-Rastan

 Friday 27th January 2012

A Q&A with Razan Zaitouneh

The Malek Al Ashtar division is one of two battalions under the “Syrian Free Army’s” Khaled ben Al Waleed brigade in the city of Al Rastan north of Homs. Its leader, Hasn Al Ashtar, is one of the most wanted individuals in the city. He has suffered various forms of persecution along with his extended family since the first few months of the revolution. This conversation sheds light on some aspects of the work done by the “Free Army” in Al Rastan, the negative aspects being attributed to it, and the debate on whether to militarise the revolution or keep its peaceful nature.

R: How did you and your family end up being ravaged and targeted by the regime? استمر في القراءة ←

On Lies, Fear and the Construction of Normality… and Rebellion

Posted on by المترجمون السوريون الأحرار

Yassin Al Haj Saleh

 It was clear that Sheikh Nawaf Ragheb Al Basheer was released, after two months of arrest, only after he was forced to appear on Syrian state television and say what the regime wanted to hear. It is also clear that the regime is not keen on hiding this fact. What they hoped for is not to convince Syrians about the contents of the Sheikh’s talk about the regime and the president, but rather to humiliate the Sheikh as a well known opposition figure.

Previously, the regime followed the same approach with Sheikh Ahmad Sayasenah, the Imam of al-Omari mosque, who is well respected in his hometown of Dar’aa. The aim was also to disgrace the man as a symbol and distort Syrians’ perception of him. The regime has no intention to prove that it is a just and dignified regime. The aim is to humiliate its citizens who oppose the regime and strip them of all dignity.

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How did despotism succeed in subjugating Syria during the Hafez Al-Assad era

Posted on by المترجمون السوريون الأحرار

Ziad Majed

Monday, January 2, 2012

 

How did despotism succeed in subjugating Syria during the Hafez Al-Assad’s era?

This article attempts to analyse the foundations of a despotic regime in order to understand the reasons underlying its success in exerting its control over a country, crippling political life, taming people, and maintaining its rule for many years. The article will take the Syrian regime between 1970 (the year of the “Correction Movement” which led Hafez Al-Assad to presidency) to 2000 (the year the president died) as a case study.

It is important to note that several aspects concerning the analysis of the father’s era and the study of the Syrian society under his rule are outdated and no longer relevant when analysing Syria during the last few years. In addition, the Syrian revolution brought into the light new events with regard to the regime’s alliances and the structure of society, which have been dealt with by a number of Syrian writers (and some of them still do), and whose documentation and analysis will require additional time.

On the origins of the “Baath” regime rule of Syria

The leading reason that explains Syrian regime’s success in taming public life, including all forms of political participation, social activities and civil conduct, is its ability to

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Inside Bashar Al Assad’s Mind

Posted on by المترجمون السوريون الأحرار

Samir Sa’ifan – Al Quds Al Arabi

23 December 2011

 

Before the Arab Spring began, Bashar Al Assad was confident that no Syrian would dare to challenge his regime. He was used to viewing the authority of the Al Assad family as infinitely absolute. He is the son of the Defense Minister whose army was defeated by Israel in 1967, and instead of being held accountable, as the case in democratic countries ruled by institutions, he led a coup and seized power completely in 1970. He imprisoned his comrades who opposed him until they died in prison. He used to jail his opponents for decades just for initiating a political entity or issuing a statement. He prevented the formation of any political or non-political organizations, allowing only the creation of hollow and loyal ones. He fragmented all powers in society, such that it became paralyzed unable to carry out any collective activity. So, nothing was left in Syria that can threaten Al Assad.

Bashar Al Assad continued his Father’s approach; he never took the people into account, expecting them to clap for him always. Why not and he is the son of Hafez Al Assad who had labeled his ‘semi-sacred’ self with titles like “the Father Leader”, “the Eternal Leader” and the “Leader for Ever”, and enforced a pattern of viewing him as a sacred god that nobody can touch or approach, and made his power a taboo subject. Bashar Al Assad watched how his father was able to make Syria a farm of his own, and how he was able to bequeath him the presidency, and how the constitution was amended in a clowning session of the Parliament without any opposition from Syrians. He watched the queues of the lowly and the opportunist gathering submissively around him.

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